The business or
economic cycle is the periodic but irregular up-and-down movements in economic
activity and other macroeconomic variables. The cycle involves shifts over time
between periods of relatively rapid growth of output (recovery and prosperity),
alternating with periods of relative stagnation or decline (contraction or
recession). These fluctuations are measured using the real gross domestic
product. Traditional business cycles undergo four stages: expansion, boom,
contraction,
and recession
. After a recessionary phase, the expansionary phase can start again. The phases of the business cycle are characterized by changing employment, industrial productivity, and interest rates. Another way of presenting it is shown in the diagram below:
. After a recessionary phase, the expansionary phase can start again. The phases of the business cycle are characterized by changing employment, industrial productivity, and interest rates. Another way of presenting it is shown in the diagram below:
The cyclical fluctuations or output gap
can be caused by shocks to aggregate demand and to aggregate supply. An aggregate
supply shock is a shock that alters the cost of producing goods and services
and, as a result, the prices that firms charge. An aggregate demand shock is a
shock that shifts the demand for goods and services and, as a result, changes
the equilibrium prices. Measures of potential GDP were initially devised to
guide decisions about monetary and fiscal policy, generally for a one- to
two-year horizon. If the economy was estimated to be below potential--meaning
that labor or capital was not fully employed--then monetary or fiscal policy
could be used to speed up the growth of output without incurring the risk of
significantly higher inflation. The concept of potential output was seen as a
tool to help policymakers manage aggregate demand and thus maintain steady
economic growth. Thus, over the medium term, the estimated trend in potential
output helps determine the pace of sustainable growth
With these basics at hand, we can easily
discard such assertions that a)
interventionist government policies cannot affect or reverse the
direction of the cycle, ( which is in
contradiction with such statements that “the
itch …of the ruling majority to control economic phenomena might inhibit growth”)
and that China cannot experience a future downturn; b) as the economic cycle
evolves towards the services industry, the Mauritian economy will become less
volatile; and c) economic disequilibrium is caused by lax monetary policy and
that equilibrium can be restored only by an inevitable but necessary recession.
Moreover, our understanding of the
mechanism of the economic cycle allows us, as depicted
in figure 2, to question another controversial assertion that the “Mauritian
economic cycle is flat”.
One of the oldest
conjectures in economics holds that self-fulfilling shifts in optimism or
confidence can destabilize aggregate economic activity. Change in expectations for
example cause the economy to cycle back and forth between periods with high
levels of investment and rapid GDP growth and periods with low levels of investment
and slow GDP growth. Almost ten years ago a financial typhoon ripped through East Asia , battering markets, uprooting businesses and
shattering lives, currencies and political regimes. It also destroyed the myth
of the invincibility of Asia 's
"tiger" economies, (that
progress cannot be stopped,) which had until then enjoyed decades of
vigorous and uninterrupted growth. For two generations the state in China , South Korea and
Japan
intervened in the economy to funnel the financial resources into favoured
firms, mainly in heavy industry, and coddled those companies through cartels
and protectionism. The 1997 crisis laid bare the results of this system-
overcapacity, wasted money, insolvent firms, troubled banks and lack of funding
for new, innovative firms.
It seems quite
simplistic to single out the lax monetary stance as the precursor or the main
indicator of an unavoidable recession. Besides the parameters that we have
stressed above, there are other cyclical indicators that help to define the
business cycles. Leading indicators are series that tend to shift direction in
advance of the business cycle, Coincident indicators are series that measure aggregate
economic activity and Lagging indicators tend to change direction after the coincident
series—they are used to confirm turning points and to warn of structural
imbalances that are developing within the economy. (Average weekly hours,
manufacturing, building permits, new private housing units, unit labour costs,
capacity utilization etc.)
Bubbles: Identifying a stock market crash is easy: “When you see it, you know it”
(Mishkin and White). However, it is more difficult to “see” and “recognize a
bubble than a crash, even ex post.” We
have to be very careful in our affirmation of the existence of a bubble on the
basis of either flimsy or limited data (like share of corporate profits or
operating surplus to GDP). A bubble reflects growing misalignments from fundamental
values. Detecting a bubble entails asserting knowledge of the fundamental value
of the assets in question. Bubbles are attributable to: passive accommodation
of booms by the banking system or monetary policy; poorly designed monetary
policy—e.g., interest rate policy without commitments to a steady long-run
inflation rate; misplaced expectations: e.g., investors’ overconfidence; micro
factors: Information asymmetry and short-sale constraints—e.g., stock prices
can rise above their fundamental value with dispersion of investor belief.
A simple and
widely used yardstick is the historical evolution of price-earnings (P/E) ratios.
A P/E ratio of 15, which entails an earnings yield of close to 7 percent a
year, which we may gauge as fair or near
equilibrium stock value. But we may wish to support it with the Gordon
valuation formula to calculate equity risk premium by averaging the P/E ratio,
the dividend yield (D/P), real GDP growth (which can be thought of as a proxy
measure of the expected growth of real earnings), the interest rate, and the inflation
rate. If historical risk premium > implied risk premium, it may indicate the
existence of a bubble. We can also use trend analysis to compare the moving
averages of the stock price index, output, productivity, and credit or monetary
aggregates. Or interpreting financial imbalances through the credit gap
measured by deviations of credit growth from trend .Persistent deviations from
the long-run relationship are associated with the risk of bubbles
Measures: We have also to be as careful in our suggestions for pricking the
bubble. A bubble is dangerous to prick, since there is a risk of creating
further financial instability. Alan Greenspan (Economist, Sept.
7-23, 2002 ,) took a quite conservative stance on this “Central bank cannot use interest rates to
prick bubbles in their early stages because they can never be sure if there is
a bubble or not. Moreover, a rise in rates sufficient to prick a bubble could
push the economy into recession.” Some of proactive responses that have
been suggested to asset price bubbles, helpful for macroeconomic stability, are
: monetary policy should respond to—but
not target—movements in asset prices; monetary policy tightening is optimal in
response to “irrational exuberance” in financial markets and higher interest
rates could be accompanied by an explicit commitment to fight bubbles. At the micro-level,
the proposed financial policies to reduce bubble incidents and enhance
economy’s resiliency to shocks are effective regulatory frameworks and good
financial structures, including healthy balance sheets.
Monetary
policy reactions to movements in asset prices are complicated and may
exacerbate the problem because of the difficulties in identifying bubbles in
advance, the lags in monetary policy effects and the expectations of future
policy settings. To conclude I’ll add that that monetary ease is neither necessary nor sufficient to
produce bubbles. Bubbles are made in financial
markets, not in central banks. If an economy is likely to grow at the rate
below its potential and inflation expectations are low and stable, there is no
economic justification for thinking that a simulative monetary policy somehow
creates a growing debt that has to be made up later. In my next article, I’ll
address the issue of the sustainability of the forecasted Mauritian boom.